'Truth spoken without moderation reverses itself'
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must intensify ideological controls on academia and turn universities into
Communist party “strongholds”, President Xi Jinping has
declared in a major address. “Higher education ... must adhere to correct
political orientation,” Xi said in a high-profile speech to top party leaders
and university chiefs that was delivered at a two-day congress on “ideological
and political work” in Beijing. Universities must be transformed into
“strongholds that adhere to party leadership” and political education should be
made “more appealing”, the president ordered, according
to Xinhua, China’s official news agency. Experts have described it as the
latest phase of Beijing’s bid to rein in opposition to its rule.
Xi, a populist
strongman who recently reaffirmed his political authority by being
declared the party’s “core leader”, said teachers needed to be both
“disseminators of advanced ideology” and “staunch supporters of [party]
governance”. Echoing a
1932 speech by Joseph Stalin the Chinese president told his audience
teachers were “engineers
of the human soul” whose “sacredmission” was to help students
“improve in ideological quality, political awareness, moral characteristics and
humanistic quality”. “Party authorities should increase their contact with
intellectuals in colleges, befriend them and sincerely listen to their opinions,”
Xi added, pointing out that the party’s education policies “must be fully
Carl Minzner, an
expert in Chinese law and politics from Fordham University in New York, said
Xi’s speech appeared to signal the next phase of a decade-long campaign to
wrest back control of areas it feared were “getting out of control” such as the
media, public interest law and academia. “What you are seeing is a reassertion of
ideological control because they feel that colleges and schools are the hotbeds
for ideas that potentially could be problematic; ideas of constitutionalism,
ideas of liberalism. This is an effort to figure out, ‘How do we get a tighter
control over that?’ and it looks like this is definitely going to be rolling
through all of China’s colleges over the next couple of years. This is a big
Universities have been
coming under increasing pressure since 2014, when a party-run newspaper sent
its reporters into classrooms and accused
Chinese academics of not giving enough support to the country’s political
system. “The atmosphere in higher
education has been getting progressively colder over the last couple of years …
I think people have already begun getting the message: ‘You need to watch
yourself,’” said Minzner. “[But] this is a signal that things are about to go
to the next level.” The American scholar
predicted the brunt of Xi’s ideological offensive would be felt by social
science departments. The result would be growing self-censorship, the avoidance
of politically sensitive research topics and a proliferation of academic
studies into the speeches and policies of Xi, who became China’s top leader in
November 2012. But the moves could also affect international schools in China,
which have been facing growing
scrutiny as part of a push to counter the propagation of western ideas, and
the flow of Chinese students to higher education institutions in countries such
as the US and Britain.
“I think that you
might start to see Chinese officials begin to think that this is not such a
good thing, and begin to decide that it is less desirable and to begin to
discourage that in certain ways,” Minzner said. “There is a fundamental contradiction
between [the expansion of international education] and the current direction in
which the party is going.”
Qiao Mu, an outspoken
professor from Beijing Foreign Studies University, questioned whether Xi’s
commands would have a “real impact” on campus life but said they were likely to
influence Communist party officials working in universities. Qiao, one
of the victims of the crackdown on academia, said Chinese students had long
had “socialist values” drilled into them by teachers. “They’re already used to
it.” These days, however, the greatest influence on China’s youth was not
socialism but social media, the scholar added.
move by the Centre is turning out to be a nightmare for over 1 lakh
construction workers in the city. Labour department sources said that
10,000-12,000 daily wage workers have already left Gurgaon. In the absence of
work and cash, a majority of the seasonal workers are struggling to make ends
meet. To get a clearer picture, the labour department has also ordered a
Gurgaon is a hub of
real estate industry, where around 40,000-50,000 workers migrate to every
season. An equal number stay for more than a year, but all workers have been
affected. “Construction work in the unorganised sector has almost come to a
standstill and the real estate industry is also witnessing a slowdown. There is
no work for labourers and they also don’t have the cash to pay rent, buy food,
or send it home,” Rajender Saroha, district convener, Bhawan Nirman Kamgar
Union, Gurgaon, said.
A majority of the
workers in Gurgaon come from Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and
Bihar. They start arriving in August and continue to do so till December. Most
stay here till March, before agricultural operations resume in their villages. “There
is no work at the labour chowks. People don’t want to pay the wages owed due to
the cash crunch. Some even offer work against the scrapped ₹500 and
₹1,000 notes, which is a joke,” Kripal Singh, a worker from Dausa in Rajasthan, said.
Officials, who have
been visiting labour chowks and construction sites to open bank accounts for
workers said that the crowd was getting thinner by the day. “The number of
people looking for work at labour chowks in sectors 9, 17, 12, 18, 56,
Bhuteshwar temple, Bristol Chowk and Ghata village is decreasing every day,”
Saroha said. Workers earn ₹450-₹550 per day and a skilled mason earns up to ₹700
per day, however, the wage on offer is also lower at present. “No one is ready to offer work.
Those who do are
willing to pay only half the salary,” Banwari, who works as a mason, said.
Desraj, the state
president of Kamgar union, said that the condition of workers across Haryana is
miserable. He highlighted the plight of brick kiln workers in Jhajjar, who are
unable to subsist due to the cash crunch. The realty sector, which was already
in a slowdown, has been hit hard by the demonetisation, builders said. “At many
real estate sites, work was stopped due to slowdown as well as due to NGT
order. Now, the note ban has made things even more difficult as there is no
cash to buy materials or pay wages,” a realtor said.
The Gurgaon labour
department officials said that they are carrying out a survey of workers and
are also helping them open bank accounts. “Reverse migration has increased, no
doubt, but there is no need to panic. We are opening bank accounts to help
workers and a survey will soon give us the exact status,” Jaibeer Arya,
additional labour commissioner, Gurgaon, said. Meanwhile, workers said that
they will leave town for good if things do not improve soon.
Shortly after the
Presidential election, a small piece of good news came over the wire: the Thomas
Mann villa in Los Angeles has been saved. The house, which was built
to Mann’s specifications, in the nineteen-forties, went on the market earlier
this year, and it seemed likely to be demolished, because the structure was
deemed less valuable than the land beneath it. After prolonged negotiations,
the German government bought the property, with the idea of establishing it as a
The house deserves to
stand not only because a great writer lived there but because it brings to mind
a tragic moment in American cultural history. The author of “Death in Venice”
and “The Magic Mountain” settled in this country in 1938, a grateful refugee
from Nazism. He became a citizen and extolled American ideals. By 1952, though,
he had become convinced that McCarthyism was a prelude to fascism, and felt
compelled to emigrate again. At the time of the House Un-American Activities
Committee’s hearings on Communism in Hollywood, Mann said, “Spiritual
intolerance, political inquisitions, and declining legal security, and all this
in the name of an alleged ‘state of emergency.’ . . . That is how it started in
Germany.” The tearing down of Mann’s “magic villa” would have been a cold
epilogue to a melancholy tale.
Mann was hardly the
only Central European émigré who experienced uneasy feelings of déjà vu in the
fearful years after the end of the Second World War. Members of the
intellectual enclave known as the Frankfurt School—originally based at the
Institute for Social Research, in Frankfurt—felt a similar alarm. In 1950, Max
Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno helped to assemble a volume titled “The
Authoritarian Personality,” which constructed a psychological and
sociological profile of the “potentially fascistic individual.” The
work was based on interviews with American subjects, and the steady
accumulation of racist, antidemocratic, paranoid, and irrational sentiments in
the case studies gave the German-speakers pause. Likewise, Leo Lowenthal and
Norbert Guterman’s 1949 book, “Prophets
of Deceit,” studied the Father Coughlin type of rabble-rouser,
contemplating the “possibility that a situation will arise in which large numbers
of people would be susceptible to his psychological manipulation.”
Adorno believed that
the greatest danger to American democracy lay in the mass-culture apparatus of
film, radio, and television. Indeed, in his view, this apparatus operates in
dictatorial fashion even when no dictatorship is in place: it enforces
conformity, quiets dissent, mutes thought. Nazi Germany was merely the most
extreme case of a late-capitalist condition in which people surrender real
intellectual freedom in favor of a sham paradise of personal liberation and
comfort. Watching wartime newsreels, Adorno concluded that the “culture
industry,” as he and Horkheimer called it, was replicating fascist methods of
mass hypnosis. Above all, he saw a blurring of the line between reality and
fiction. In his 1951 book, “Minima Moralia,” he wrote:
Lies have long legs:
they are ahead of their time. The conversion of all questions of truth into
questions of power, a process that truth itself cannot escape if it is not to
be annihilated by power, not only suppresses truth as in earlier despotic
orders, but has attacked the very heart of the distinction between true and
false, which the hirelings of logic were in any case diligently working to
abolish. So Hitler, of whom no one can say whether he died or escaped,
Mann, who had
consulted Adorno while writing his musical novel “Doctor Faustus,” was reading
“Minima Moralia” as he contemplated his departure from America. He compared the
book’s aphoristic style to the “enormously strong gravitational force-field” of
a super-compact celestial body. Possibly, it exerted a pull on his decision to
go into exile again. A few months later, on the eve of leaving, Mann wrote to
Adorno, “The way things are developing is already clear. And we have rather
gone beyond Brüning.” Heinrich Brüning was the Chancellor of Germany from 1930
The fears of Mann,
Adorno, and other émigrés came to naught—or so it seemed. The McCarthyite
danger passed; civil rights advanced; free speech triumphed; liberal democracy
spread around the world. By the end of the century, the Frankfurt School was
seen in many quarters as an artifact of intellectual kitsch. In recent years,
though, its stock has risen once again... read more:
The Sultan of Sophistry It is early winter and a thick, grimy fog, black and white tinged with grey, hangs over Delhi much of the day. Morning visibility is bad, clears up a bit with a dull sun in the afternoon, before darkness descends again on the city. A month after Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced his demonetisation policy, the gloomy weather in the national capital describes quite well the mood of the people here. Sullen but not angry, worried but not yet panicked, uneasy about the future but focused for the present on solving daily problems.
And yet somewhere deep down there is a growing feeling that we are witnessing the twilight of the Indian Republic – at least as we have known it for over six decades- a sovereign, federal, democratic nation, which with all its flaws, stumbles along intact. Few fully understand the real implications of 86% of the Indian currency disappearing overnight but there is foreboding it is a sign of many more drastic events to come.
If something as fundamental as money in a system can be so casually overturned what guarantee is there that you or your family will be safe tomorrow? Why should any of India’s various regions and states take orders from Delhi and its upstart Sultan of Sophistry anymore? With every passing day though the disaster wrought on the economy and lives of ordinary citizens by demonetisation is becoming starkly apparent. Industries, trade, farming operations and daily consumption of essential goods are collapsing due to the lack of sufficient cash to carry out the simplest of transactions.
The queues at the banks are only getting longer and more frustrating with a surge in violent incidents as the initial support for the government’s self-proclaimed ‘war on black money’ wears thin. After all it is not the rich and powerful who are lining up day after day to exchange their old notes or try and withdraw a paltry 2000 Rupees from the few ATMs that work here and there.
In the meanwhile, the elderly and weak die in the wait like only they can, tired and breathless at the heartlessness of it all. How much more suffering is in store and how many needless lives lost to this manmade disaster – nobody really knows. There is very little talk now from the government of any windfall gains to state revenues due to demonetisation, as almost all the ‘black cash’ around finds its way back into the banking system. There are zero measures to tackle the far larger problem of ‘black wealth’, in the form of gold, property, foreign accounts revealing the fundamentally dubious nature of this ‘war on corruption’.
A desperate regime aids this conversion with marginally stiffer penalties on unaccounted money coming into the banks, making the current crusade just a continuation of previous voluntary disclosure schemes for tax evaders. Calculations made by respectable research institutions show the costs to the Indian economy of demonetisation will far exceed any benefits it brings.
The rhetoric has instead already turned to the cuckoo world of a ‘cashless economy’, where everyone will live happily tied to a digital grid, run by the government hand in glove with banks, payment gateways, e-commerce companies and other peddlers of seductive software. All you need is a secure identity, the Aadhar card, the number imprinted on which will open or close doors depending on your credit rating. (If Aadhaar cards get fabricated on a large scale- as they are perhaps already- the powers that be will insist on a special stamp with indelible ink on your forehead to certify you are allowed to exist on this planet!)
It would all be very laughable if not for the cruel implications in a country where a majority still struggle to eat, cannot read or write and survive on a daily basis without power or water. It is only a generation ago that the poor learnt to negotiate cash – itself a complicated concept- and here they are being told to abruptly go digital. It is as if the Earth opened up one morning and swallowed them wholesale.
Along with the poor the real target of demonetisation are thousands of small and medium businesses which thrive only on cash transactions and underpin Indian democracy itself through both their sheer diversity and ability to earn and live independent of state support. Once they are decimated it will be that much easier to establish total control over the Indian economy by a handful of large corporate monopolies, which will also facilitate political dictatorship.
Sure, informal enterprises avoid giving tax but then what exactly will the Indian state give them in return if they become compliant – good schools, infrastructure, quality health care, pensions? Why should anyone pay tax to a government that seems to use these revenues to fatten the bank accounts of politicians, bureaucrats and crony capitalists?
The educated, urban classes are the only ones cheering Modi on right now as they see in the digital economy a consolidation of their traditional power – after all feudalism was also a ‘cashless’ system – not even a signature was required to get things done. A mere wave of the hand was enough to get orders or even orderlies executed in Ram Rajya. ‘E-Brahmanism’ would be indeed be a more appropriate way to describe a society without any physical cash!
Is it really possible to impose such a ‘Uniform Commercial Code’ on such a vast and heterogenous economy like India without sparking a revolt? Isn’t the Modi regime and the cabal of corporates playing with fire by pushing this ‘Big Bang’ reform? When former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh described demonetisation as a ‘monumental management failure’ he was essentially warning Modi not to bite more than he can chew. He should know, having been the architect of the original ‘Big Bang’ of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation over two decades ago. It was the tectonic forces he unleased on the Indian economy and society that gave impetus to Hindutva, helped the BJP rise to power and the phenomenon of Narendra Modi himself - all of which swallowed up the Congress party itself.
Of course there will be blowback and long after India recovers from the dire consequences of Narendra Modi’s monetary adventure, future historians will actually wonder what led a ruler, at the peak of his power, to attempt harakiri in this manner? For, it is not difficult really to see what has happened – the man is falling in front of our eyes on his own sword of hubris – the brash weapon that has humbled many a self-styled emperor before him.
Trying to understand the motives many have dubbed Narendra Modi a new Mohammad bin Tughlaq, the 14th Century ruler of Delhi, whose kingdom collapsed due to foolish experiments with new and poorly minted currency. There is some truth to this of course, as grandiose visions that lack of attention to detail and hasty schemes marred by low quality of implementation have indeed been his hallmark so far. His harsher critics have compared Modi to the notorious Mir Jafar, who due to greed and ambition shook hands with the wily East India Company only to lose both arm and country. Modi, an ordinary pracharak who rose to became Prime Minister, a chaiwallah who rubs shoulders with corporate bigwigs, does represent Mir Jafar’s burning quest for power at any cost.
The collective herding of 1.2 billion people into a ‘cashless economy’ is also nothing less than the return of Company Raj with loss of control over lives and livelihood for the Indian people. Mastercard, Visa, Facebook, Google, Paytm are the new Robert Clives of our times, manipulating intrigues in the Nawab’s palace to take over control. There is even a Jagat Seth around, Mir Jafar’s financier, in the form of none other than Mukesh Ambani, whose business interests are poised to benefit most from the nature and timing of the demonetisation policy. Launching ‘Jio Money’, a payment gateway venture, in the first week of December, Ambani praised demonetisation in the same vein as a weapons dealer extolling the merits of war.
Coming back to Modi and the parallels with Tughlaq and Mir Jafar, they do indicate the way he thinks and behaves but do not fully capture what he is all about. In order to really get a more accurate picture of the man, there are two other essential ingredients that need to be added. One is the persona of a small town hustler of whom our Dear Leader has more than a heavy dose of and which is what lends him colour and explains his widespread popularity.
The dandy man in dark glasses, dressed in a white suit with flower sticking out his pocket, ambushing foreign Heads of State for a hug or posing like a tourist for selfies around ancient monuments – that is what endears him to the masses. All embellished by the legend that he is someone from humble origins who has made it big – something every poor man and woman admires and dreams of.
The other component of his character and one that makes him immensely dangerous though, is that of a megalomaniac with the mind of a shrewd criminal. Nothing less that a wannabe Godfather. Someone, who is willing to do or say anything to get his way. With no loyalty to anyone except himself and his immediate benefactors – in the current case the corporate backers who financed his climb to power.
This makes him frightening to even those who helped him get where he has reached today – a man untethered to any principle, person or even the political party he leads. Remember Haren Pandya? The only consultation Modi seems to have done before embarking on the drastic experiment of ‘notebandi’ was perhaps in front of a mirror with himself – for it turns out none of the senior leaders of the BJP or even the RSS had a clue as to what he was upto- though all of them are lining up to praise his ‘brilliant’ policy out of fear today.
The reason why Modi is able to ride roughshod over his own party stalwarts is because he has cultivated a financial and popular support outside the traditional base of the organisation. If small and medium traders disappear with the digital economy, so be it – the future belongs to big corporations anyway. If the extreme Hindu right is upset with him how does it really matter when he can win elections with the support of corporate financed propaganda?
Nothing else – but this understanding of Modi as a mix of Tughlaq, Mir Jafar, petty hustler and gangster – explains the indifference to consequences with which the entire demonetisation exercise was thought up and implemented. Nothing else explains also the arrogance that Modi continues to display about his own abilities as a ‘visionary’ and the complete lack of remorse for the immense hardships he has subjected the Indian population to.
What we have got from the Prime Minister so far in response to criticism or complaint is an anecdote about a beggar somewhere with a swipe card machine. Is this supposed to be the new aspirational model for the country – jobless citizens asking for doles in digital currency? And of course, that casual ‘Robin Hood’ statement too, urging poorer citizens with Jan Dhan accounts not to return any of the unaccounted cash deposited in their names by those trying to convert their black money into white.
Wow! Did he really mean that? If he did, then good for him! I am just waiting for the day the masses figure out that all ‘white money’ in this country is only so because successive regimes have helped ‘whitewash’ it through convenient laws. When that finally happens – taking cue from Modi’s statement about redistributing wealth - there will not be a single Ambani or Adani shop left anywhere in the country!
It is clear, that even by the gross standards of the Indian elite’s historical disdain for the fate of the nation’s marginalized Narendra Modi’s entire discourse around the impact of his demonetisation policy is obscene beyond belief. In any other country, far less poor than India is, by now there would be class war raging– a French Revolution scenario complete with guillotines and heads rolling on the boulevard around India Gate.
That’s an exaggeration of course, but at least there would be mass protests around the nation calling for resignation of the Modi regime, the sacking of the RBI Governor, for restoration of the old Rs.500 notes and other measures that can relieve the immediate misery caused by demonetisation. Instead, so sorry is the state of our Opposition parties- except for the brave Mamata Banerjee- that instead of hitting the streets all they want is a statement from the Prime Minister in Parliament!
Given the reality that there is no organised opposition to the ruling dispensation outside, a more likely scenario is perhaps a palace coup against Modi from within. There is no doubt, while Modi is trying hide his wounds and bluster his way through the mess he has created, it is only a matter of time before, not just the Indian public, but also his own political party and fans turn on him viciously.
Leading this plot will be the Peshwas who run the RSS – unhappy with Modi getting too big for his boots and anxious to consolidate power before he fritters it away. In that case we may even see the rise of a new, more rigid and rabid version of Modi in the days ahead as his own partymen abandon him and move to the next level of their project to establish Hindu Pad Padshahi in the country.
The sad truth of all this is that if you thought Modi was bad, there are even worse characters lurking in the shadows, just waiting to take over.
Caveat: Narendra Modi is only incidental to the snaring of the Indian Republic by the powerful forces of global finance. He happens to be the right man at the right moment to do their bidding. There is no doubt any future dispensation will come under similar pressure from outside to handover the keys or encrypted passwords to the kingdom’s treasury.
It will take much more than bogus ‘Hindu Nationalism’ of the RSS Peshwas to resist the temptation to sell Indian sovereignty and independence for a few shining sovereigns more. Maybe it is time for those interested in saving the Indian Republic to revisit 1857 for clues as to what needs to done next. No, I am not comparing Mamata Banerjee to the Rani of Jhansi or Kejriwal to Tatya Tope! http://www.countercurrents.org/2016/12/07/demonetisation-the-sultan-of-sophistry/ The rise and fall of Emperor Modi by AMIT VARMA November 2017. This
is an excerpt from the screenplay of a musical play performed recently at the
Kala Natak Academy, inaugurated by Prime Minister LK Advani. It stars Narendra
Modi, Arun Jaitley and a chorus of 30 cows. While reading it, please sing it in
your head with a grand dramatic voice.
Narendra Modi sleeping on a bed. Loud snores emanate. At the foot of the bed, a
minion sits. Loud footsteps are heard. Arun Jaitley enters the room.)
Chorus of 30 cows:
Minion, thrusting his
arms out towards Jaitley: Do not wake him, Do not shake him. He is sleeping, he
spent all of last evening weeping, for this nation, the creation of a Hindu god
in a Himalayan location. Do not wake him! Please forsake him!
AJ: He must be woken!
My spirit is broken! Forget the nation, I’m out of ration. I have no cash. The
supreme leader has obliterated my stash, it’s all trash. He could have let me
know at least. Oh, the beast!
(There is a loud
grunt, and Modi rises, and then gets out of bed. He is wearing only his Modi
Modi: Oh here you are,
my little one. I am lohpurush, you’re a brittle one. As for your
notes, why don’t you... write on them? As for your notes... a blight on them!
You have been rather slow, lately. Don’t you see the plan, Jaitley? Like me,
you must learn to see far. What happened to my churidar?
30 cows: Churidar!
off to fetch churidar.)
AJ: You say you want
to attack black money. Are you being funny? This won’t hurt black money, truth
be told. Hoarders keep their wealth in real estate and gold. In benaami investments
and banks that are offshore. Why did you let go of the Panama chors?
The IT department found only six per cent of black money is held in cash. So
stop talking trash.
In 1938 President Roosevelt warned that “the liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in its essence, is fascism.”
One of the answers to Trump, Putin, Orbán, Erdoğan, Salvini, Duterte, Le Pen, Farage and the politics they represent is to rescue democracy from transnational corporations. It is to defend the crucial political unit that is under assault by banks, monopolies and chainstores: community. It is to recognise that there is no greater hazard to peace between nations than a corporate model that crushes democratic choice.
A wave of revulsion
rolls around the world. Approval ratings for incumbent leaders are everywhere collapsing. Symbols, slogans and sensation trump facts
and nuanced argument. One in six Americans now believe that military rule would be a good idea. From all this I draw the
following, peculiar conclusion: no country with a McDonald’s can remain a
Twenty years ago, the
New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman proposed his “golden arches theory of
conflict prevention”. This
holds that “no two countries that both have McDonald’s have ever
fought a war against each other since they each got their McDonald’s”.
Friedman’s was one of
several end-of-history narratives suggesting that global capitalism would
lead to permanent peace. He claimed that it might create “a tip-over point at which a
country, by integrating with the global economy, opening itself up to foreign
investment and empowering its consumers, permanently restricts its capacity for
troublemaking and promotes gradual democratisation and widening peace”. He
didn’t mean that McDonald’s ends war, but that its arrival in a nation
symbolised the transition.
In using McDonald’s as
shorthand for the forces tearing democracy apart, I am, like him, writing
figuratively. I do not mean that the presence of the burger chain itself
is the cause of the decline of open, democratic societies (though it has played
its part in Britain, using our defamation laws against its
critics). Nor do I mean that countries hosting McDonald’s will necessarily
mutate into dictatorships.
What I mean is that,
under the onslaught of the placeless, transnational capital that McDonald’s
exemplifies, democracy as a living system
withers and dies. The old forms and forums still exist – parliaments and
congresses remain standing – but the power they once contained seeps away,
re-emerging where we can no longer reach it.
The political power
that should belong to us has flitted into confidential meetings with the
lobbyists and donors who establish the limits of debate and action. It has
slipped into the diktats of the IMF and the European Central Bank, which
respond not to the people but to the financial sector. It has been transported, under armed
guard, into the icy fastness of Davos, where Friedman finds so warm a welcome
(even when he’s talking cobblers).
Above all, the power
that should belong to the people is being crushed by international treaty.
Contracts such as Nafta, Ceta the proposed TransPacific Partnership and Trade
in Services Agreement and the failed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership are
crafted behind closed doors in discussions dominated by corporate lobbyists. And those lobbyists are able to
slip in clauses no informed electorate would ever approve of, such as the
establishment of opaque offshore tribunals, through which corporations can bypass
national courts, challenge national laws and demand compensation for the
results of democratic decisions.
These treaties limit
the scope of politics, prevent states changing social outcomes and drive down
labour rights, consumer protection, financial regulation and the quality of
neighbourhoods. They make a mockery of sovereignty. Anyone who forgets that striking them
down was one of Donald Trump’s main promises will fail to understand why people
were prepared to risk so much in electing him. At the national level
too, the McDonald’s model destroys meaningful democracy. Democracy depends on
reciprocal belief, trust and belonging: the conviction that you belong to the
nation and the nation belongs to you. The McDonald’s model, by rooting out
attachment, could not have been better designed to erase that perception.
As Tom Wolfe observes
in his novel A
Man in Full, “the only way you could tell you were leaving one community
and entering another was when the franchise chains started repeating and you
spotted another 7-Eleven, another Wendy’s, another Costco, another Home Depot”.
The alienation and anomie this destruction of place promotes are enhanced by
the casualisation of labour and a spirit-crushing regime of monitoring,
quantification and assessment (at which McDonald’s excels). Public health disasters contribute to the
sense of rupture. After falling for decades, for instance, death rates among
middle-aged white Americans are now rising. Among the likely causes are obesity and diabetes,
opioid addiction and liver failure, diseases whose carriers are corporations.
from democratic constraints, drive us towards climate breakdown, an urgent
threat to global peace. McDonald’s has done more than its fair share: beef
production is among the most powerful causes of climate change. In his book The Globalisation Paradox, the Harvard economist Dani Rodrik
describes a political trilemma. Democracy, national sovereignty and
hyperglobalisation, he argues, are incompatible. You cannot have all three at
once. McDonaldisation crowds out domestic politics. Incoherent and dangerous as
it often is, the global backlash against mainstream politicians is at heart an
attempt to reassert national sovereignty against the forces of undemocratic
An article about the history of the Democratic party by Matt Stoller in the
Atlantic reminds us that a similar choice was articulated by the great US
jurist Louis Brandeis. “We may have democracy, or we may have wealth
concentrated in the hands of a few, but we can’t have both,” he said. In 1936
the congressman Wright Patman managed to pass a bill against the concentration
of corporate power. Among his targets was A&P, the giant chainstore of his day, which was hollowing out
towns, destroying local retailers and turning “independent tradesmen into
In 1938 President
Roosevelt warned that “the liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people
tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes stronger than
their democratic state itself. That, in its essence, is fascism.” The Democrats
saw concentrated corporate power as a form of dictatorship. They broke up giant
banks and businesses and chained the chainstores. What Roosevelt, Brandeis and
Patman knew has been forgotten by those in power, including powerful
journalists. But not by the victims of this system.
One of the answers to
Trump, Putin, Orbán, Erdoğan, Salvini, Duterte, Le Pen, Farage and the politics
they represent is to rescue democracy from transnational corporations. It is to
defend the crucial political unit that is under assault by banks, monopolies
and chainstores: community. It is to recognise that there is no greater hazard
to peace between nations than a corporate model that crushes democratic choice.
By now, the
government’s post demonetisation plans seem quite clear. Next year, the
government will launch a new welfare scheme by extracting a higher
dividend from the RBI and/or collecting revenue through new tax
provisions. This could be as simple as putting money in Jan
Dhan accounts. Most believe that this will ‘work’ – that is, it will win
the BJP votes. But
the demonetisation is not just about elections. It is also in line with
the kind of politics that the Sangh parivar and this government have always
promoted. In this sense, the note ban is already ‘working’ at three levels.
A sacrifice that
isn’t a sacrifice: The first level is the
rhetoric of ‘sacrifice’ regarding demonetisation. Prime Minister Narendra Modi
has asked people to bear these “temporary inconveniences” and assured them that
their “sacrifices” will not go in vain. The move’s
supporters have also appealed to the public, saying that if people can stand in
queues for sales, surely they can do so at an ATM.
But how exactly does
dealing with demonetisation constitute a sacrifice? By definition, a sacrifice
is not a sacrifice if it is not done out of choice. Living with the effects of
demonetisation is not a matter of choice. No one suffering as a result of the
move actually chose to do so, and those who chose to impose it are not the
ones suffering. Whether you are willing to stand in a queue for a sale or not,
you still have to do so now. So where’s the ‘sacrifice’?
But there is one
choice that everyone does have to make – and that is, how we react to what we
are forced to do. This is precisely the choice that supporters are referring
to. The sacrifice they cite is not a choice about demonetisation as such, but
the decision to accept or even celebrate the resulting losses. The thing being
sacrificed is the public’s capacity to dissent. In this view of the world, only
those who choose to cheerfully obey have put the nation’s interest above their
This confusion over which
sacrifice is being demanded of the people leads us to the second level of
politics. The language of sacrifice is a language of dignity and honour. That
language is very valuable in a context like India’s. Observing the seemingly
widespread support for the move, several commentators have referred to the anger that the poor feel against the rich.
But this is only part of the picture. For the majority of Indians, the most
destructive fact of life is not poverty as such but the deeply unpredictable,
insecure and unsafe lives they have to lead. Whether it is migrant and daily
wage workers who have no idea what kind of work they will find, farmers unsure
of rains and prices or households fearing the loss of their life savings to a
medical emergency – there is a constant threat of instability. This leads one
to be dependent on the goodwill of others, such as netas, police, government
staff or shopkeepers in order to survive. Thus this insecurity is experienced
as a fundamental lack of dignity, of being a lesser human being.
For decades, we have
all been told that black money and its cousin, corruption, are India’s biggest
problems and that those guilty of corruption are precisely these people – the
face of a callous state and a brutal exploiting class. Now, demonetisation
makes many feel that their sacrifice somehow makes them part of a larger
crusade that hits out at the very people who keep brutalising them. Ironically,
the more powerless a person is, the higher the initial attraction.
The third level at
which the policy is ‘working’ is precisely the widespread economic damage being
created by demonetisation. This is not about lines. The massive cash
crunch means lost wages, possible distress sales, the closing of
businesses and so on. Those seriously ill or short on food are, quite simply,
dying. However, to most people, these losses look very much like the insecurity
that was already present in their lives. The vast majority of those hit by the
policy cannot necessarily draw a straight line connecting the government’s
decision to demonetise to their suffering. Demonetisation is making things much
worse for the majority. But for each of these individuals, the BJP is hoping
that it can continue to claim that black money is the ultimate cause of poverty
and insecurity, rather than the scheme itself.
Once the BJP delivers
its new welfare scheme, the logic comes full circle. From this ‘national
endeavour’, many people will receive a direct benefit. The benefit and those
responsible for delivering it will be obvious, while the much larger losses
will be scattered and invisible. Thus it will be ‘proven’ that those who did
not make the ‘sacrifice’, who chose to not be loyal, are at best selfish
busybodies and at worst traitors.
The RSS and its
‘politics of obedience’: Demonetisation may be
an unprecedented move in the realm of economic policy, but there is nothing
novel about this kind of politics. This is what the Sangh parivar practices in
every situation. The entire cadre base of the RSS is built upon this kind of bargain. There are two sides to it. On the
one hand, give up your autonomy and your right to ask questions of the powerful
and instead target ‘enemies’ (Muslims, anti-nationals, terrorists) since they
are responsible for all problems. On the other hand, in exchange, receive
benefits for yourself from those same powerful classes or castes – but only if
you obey. This is particularly true of the Sangh parivar’s organising among
marginalised sections. Thus Adivasis get access to Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram
clinics and schools if they quietly accept that they are ‘backward Hindus’;
Dalits get access to temples and public life in exchange for accepting the
Brahminical RSS and its deep casteism; women get access to political activity
and public leadership in exchange for extolling ‘motherhood’ and the very
patriarchal values that excluded them in the first place.
sense, demonetisation is the most successful Sangh parivar campaign so
far. It has hit literally every household in the country simultaneously.
Moreover, the enemies it claims to be fighting are completely invisible. The
government gets to decide who is labelled an enemy. Thus gigantic corporate tax
evasion, such as the 2014 Vodafone tax case, is not
described as black money. But every town in India is now full of rumours about
the guy down the street caught with Rs 6 crores or 29 lakhs or whatever. Just
like all other Sangh parivar campaigns, the real structure of tax evasion is
not being confronted (leave alone the structures responsible for poverty).
Instead, individuals are being asked to loyally obey the ruling party, while it
attacks other individuals, who are seen as the enemy.
The result is a
climate of fear more intense than ever before. Supporters proudly march and
shout while critics, especially those who don’t belong to the elite, whisper
their criticisms in corners. Many people feel obliged to say, after narrating
their struggles or losses, that it’s all worth it for the sake of the country.
Demonetisation is a hate-mongers’ dream. Incidentally, we can also expect to
see Sangh outfits build on this. Cash could be the new beef, with private,
official and joint official-private raids becoming the norm. Opposition
parties, in particular, will be easy targets.
The Sangh’s basic
problem: Of course, in the long
run, the RSS faces a much deeper problem, to which it has no answer – its
entire politics is built on a lie. Obedience to it produces more instability,
not less; so it has to keep generating new enemies for it to ‘save’ people
from. It never fulfils its ultimate promise of prosperity and security, because
it strengthens the structures that create injustice and insecurity.
have pointed out that this leads to a cycle of escalation, where
something bigger is constantly required to detract attention from the previous
stunt. And it is not merely bigger and bigger stunts that are necessary. All of
them will be of this obedience versus dissent, enemies versus society type.
This is what makes them far more devastating than merely dictatorial moves.
This is also what leads so many people to draw parallels between the Sanghis
and the Nazis, for this was the distinguishing feature of fascism: the mass
mobilisation of people against “enemies” while strengthening the already
the demonetisation has also shown is that both the BJP and the Modi
government – confident in the Sangh parivar’s massive support base and the
backing of big corporates – are quite capable of sudden drastic moves beyond
the constraints that bind normal politics. In this sense, the sky is the limit.
We do not know what they will do next and we do not know how many people will
pay for it.
But this is not a counsel for despair. By
its very nature, a politics built around constant insecurity is not a long term
form of politics. It reduces its own supporters’ lives to ever-growing
chaos and propels never-ending searches for the ‘real leaders’ who can deliver
the safety these supporters seek. Moreover, this kind of pseudo-empowerment is
no match for a genuine liberatory politics. Indeed, it creates the conditions
for such a politics to emerge, as anyone who can tie the threads together can
expose the whole enterprise as a sham. At the local level, wherever the RSS has
confronted a genuinely strong progressive force, it has lost. The problem is
for the latter to emerge at the national level – and the price that will be
paid as long as it does not. Both, the most terrifying and hopeful
lesson of demonetisation, is that politics as usual no longer works in Modi’s
United Nations human
rights experts are demanding answers from Beijing over the disappearance of a
prominent Chinese lawyer they fear has been targeted by authorities in reprisal
for meeting a UN official earlier this year. Jiang Tianyong, a
45-year-old Christian lawyer known for defending a number of prominent human rights
activists, has not been seen since 21 November. Relatives and supporters believe
he has been taken into secret custody by security forces.
targeting Chinese activists. Human rights groups
say that more than 250 activists, lawyers and their relatives have been
detained or interrogated as part of a sweeping crackdown labelled China’s
“war on law” that began in July 2015.
In a statement
released on Tuesday by the office of the UN high commissioner for human rights
in Geneva, the group said it suspected Jiang had become one of the latest victims
of that campaign: “We cannot rule out the possibility that Jiang may have been
disappeared by state agents because of his human rights work.
The UN experts noted
that as a result of his longstanding human rights work Jiang has been
repeatedly targeted by Chinese police and agents from its powerful spy agency,
the ministry of state security, which is tasked with tackling political threats
to the Communist party. “We fear that Jiang’s
disappearance may be directly linked to his advocacy and he may be at risk of
torture,” said the statement. Philip Alston, the
UN’s special rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, said he was
“deeply concerned that Jiang’s disappearance has occurred, at least in part, in
reprisal for his cooperation with the UN during my visit to China”.
Alston conducted a
nine-day fact-finding mission in August, telling reporters in Beijing that
President Xi Jinping’s crackdown on dissent risked
causing mass unrest. “The international
standards are clear: states must refrain from and protect all persons from acts
of reprisal,” Alston said on Tuesday of Jiang’s disappearance. The UN representative
claimed others he met during his trip to China were also
subjected to apparent reprisals. “Governments must provide assurance that no
persons will suffer intimidation, threats, harassment or punishment … for their
cooperation with the UN experts.”
The statement, which
also has the backing of Michel Forst, the special rapporteur on the situation
of human rights defenders, and David Kaye, the special rapporteur on freedom of
expression, came as activists said Li
Heping, one of the most prominent Chinese lawyers caught up in last year’s
clampdown, had been indicted on unknown charges. Li has not been heard
from and has been deprived of all contact with his family since he was taken
from his Beijing home on 10 July 2015. He is expected to be tried in
the coming weeks.
Eva Pils, a King’s
College London scholar who knows Li, said she believed her friend was being
denied independent legal counsel. “The authorities claim
that Li Heping has appointed his own lawyers and dismissed the family-appointed
ones,” she said. “This is wholly unconvincing.” Pils said Li’s wife
and the spouses of other jailed lawyers continued to be subjected to “all kinds
of reprisals merely for trying to find out what is happening to their
German press agency DPA reported that French and German diplomats had
been summoned by Chinese authorities after their governments honoured Li’s
wife, Wang Qiaoling, with a human rights prize recognising her “tireless
dedication to representing the families of lawyers and activists held in
China”. In response, French
and German officials called for Li’s immediate release, “in accordance with the
rule of law, as set out in the Chinese constitution”.